Çelikpala, Mitat
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M. Çelikpala
C., Mitat
Çelikpala,M.
Mitat, Celikpala
ÇELIKPALA, MITAT
MITAT ÇELIKPALA
Çelikpala, Mitat
Ç., Mitat
Çelikpala, M.
Çelikpala, MITAT
Mitat Celikpala
Mitat ÇELIKPALA
Celikpala, Mitat
Celikpala,M.
Celikpala,Mitat
Celikpala, M.
M. Celikpala
Mitat Çelikpala
C.,Mitat
Celikpala M.
ÇELIKPALA, Mitat
Çelikpala, Mitat
C., Mitat
Çelikpala,M.
Mitat, Celikpala
ÇELIKPALA, MITAT
MITAT ÇELIKPALA
Çelikpala, Mitat
Ç., Mitat
Çelikpala, M.
Çelikpala, MITAT
Mitat Celikpala
Mitat ÇELIKPALA
Celikpala, Mitat
Celikpala,M.
Celikpala,Mitat
Celikpala, M.
M. Celikpala
Mitat Çelikpala
C.,Mitat
Celikpala M.
ÇELIKPALA, Mitat
Çelikpala, Mitat
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International Relations
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| Journal | Count |
|---|---|
| Uluslararasi Iliskiler | 3 |
| Southeast European and Black Sea Studies | 2 |
| Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi | 2 |
| The Oxford Handbook of Turkish Politics | 1 |
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Master Thesis Adaptation and Change of Multipolarity in Russian Foreign Policy Between 1991 and 2014(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2018) Yolcu, Emine Gulnihal; Celikpala, MitatThis research aims to enlighten Russian foreign policy in the context of emphasis on multipolarity beginning from end of the Cold War. Russia as newborn state lost her identity and tried to integrate herself into new world order. in order to adjust herself Russia embraced the concept of multipolarity but gradually understanding of multipolarity changed. Russia was in favor of pro-Western multipolarity and supported the world of Western ideas until the United States started to dominate the world order. Starting from 2003 Russia changed her stance and in 2007 clarified how international system should be based on. This work aims to answer how Russia adopted multipolarity as a foreign policy strategy and why Russia changed her perception of multipolarity. in order to answer these questions this thesis will be based on qualitative research. Constructivism will be used to explain Russian interests and identity for Russian foreign policy goals. Also structural realism will be used realism as to identify multipolarity and Russian behavior in the international system. The data will be derived from primary and secondary resources. Official state documents and presidential speeches will be the primary resources. Books and articles from social sciences databases will be the secondary resources. Russia believes is she is destined to be a great power and she is persuaded for this claim for a long time. Now Russia is a key player in the international system owing to her continuing effort by challenging the world based on Western ideas. This thesis aims to enlighten this claim.Article Rekabet ve İşbirliği İkileminde Yönünü Arayan Türk-rus İlişkileri(Ahmet Yesevi Üniversitesi Mütevelli Heyet Başkanlığı, 2015) Çelikpala, MitatSon dönem Türk-Rus ikili ilişkileri, işbirliği ve stratejik ortaklık söylemleri etrafında tanımlamaktadır. 1990’lı yıllara hâkim olan rekabet söyleminin yerini alan bu yeni bakış açısı, TürkRus ikili ilişkilerinin seyrinde temel bir dönüşüme işaret etmektedir. İki ülkenin ilişkilerini geliştirirken işbirliğinin boyutlanmasını sağlayacak hedef bölgesi olarak, 1990’lı yıllarda rekabetin en yoğun biçimde yaşandığı Avrasya’yı seçmesi ise, Türk Dış Politikasının genel çizgisi ve ikili ilişkilerin seyri açısından, yaşanan dönüşümün farklı bir yönüne işaret etmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Türk-Rus ilişkilerinde yaşanan dönüşümün sebepleri ve sonuçları hem söylem hem de eylem boyutunda ve tarihsel süreç dikkate alınarak sorgulanmakta; bu dönüşümün Türkiye’nin Avrasya söylem ve politikalarına yansımalarının yanı sıra, Türk kamuoyu ile dış politika yapıcılarının rol tasavvurlarında gerçek bir dönüşümün söz konusu olup olmadığına cevaplar aranmaktadır.Article Citation - Scopus: 1Türkiye’s Black Sea Policy for Energy Security(RUDN University, 2023) Celikpala,M.; Tatlioglu,E.Türkiye’s foreign policy has recently taken on a more autonomous trajectory, less directly tied to European Union (EU) or NATO policies. Notably, the Black Sea region stands out as an area where Türkiye has charted an independent and distinctive course. The Black Sea region’s growing importance underscores the need to define Türkiye’s policy that contributes to stability in the region. Recent conflicts involving Russia, Ukraine, and Georgia, as well as the interest of non-regional actors, have heightened the region’s security concerns and energy security risks. Understanding Türkiye’s role in this context is essential for international relations scholars, policymakers, and practitioners. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Cold War environment of military competition was replaced by an environment of cooperation and collaboration in the Black Sea region, combining political, economic, and cultural goals. However, the emerging conflicts between some littorals, such as Russia and Georgia in 2008 and Russia and Ukraine in 2014 and 2022, have caused a change in the perception of security and stability of the region. Thus, the interest of external actors in the Black Sea has increased and their attempts have begun to demonstrate a greater presence in the region. This has induced circumstances that increase the risk of conflict in the region and threaten energy security. Furthermore, the region has attracted the interest of non-littoral states, which has led to new challenges. In light of these developments, the authors seek to provide an objective examination of Türkiye’s Black Sea policy, emphasizing its growing significance within the region’s evolving dynamics and energy security concerns. In addition, the main pillars of Türkiye’s Black Sea policy under the principle of regional ownership will be discussed. © Celikpala M., Tatlioglu E., 2023.Article The Only Thing We Have To Fear: Post 9/11 Institutionalization of In-Security(2012) Öztürk, Duygu; Çelikpala, MitatAmerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde son on sene içinde güvenlik önlemlerini arttırmak için milyar dolarlar harcanmıştır. Yurtiçi Güvenlik Departmanı da dahil olmak üzere yeni kurumlar oluşturulmuş, yeni güvenlik araçları geliştirilmiş ve Amerikalıların gözetlenmesi artmıştır. Çeşitli ‘Emniyet bölgeleri’nin oluşturulmasına karşın, ne Amerikalıların olası terör saldırılarına karşı daha güvenli hissetmeleri sağlanabilmiş, ne de muhtemel terör saldırılarını önleyebilme konusunda Amerikan hükümetlerine olan güven artmıştır. ‘Dünya Risk Toplumu’ ve ‘Refleksif Modernite’ kavramlarını geliştiren Beck’e göre, refleksif modernitenin bir ürünü olarak terörün geleneksel güvenlik tedbirleri ile engellenmesi mümkün değildir. Bu çerçevede, bu çalışma 11 Eylül saldırılarından itibaren Amerikalıların durumunu incelemektedir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın temel argümanı, devlet merkezli güvenlik önlemleri ile devlet ve ülke merkezinden yoksun terörün hedeflenmesi sonucu oluşan boşluğun Amerikalılarda yüksek düzeyde güvensizliğin, korku ve endişenin devam etmesine neden olmasıdır. Bu çalışmada, Amerikalıların ülkelerindeki güvenlik ve terör riski konularında düşüncelerini analiz etmek için farklı şirketler tarafından 11 Eylül saldırıları sonrasındaki on yıllık dönem içinde Amerika’da yapılan çeşitli kamuoyu anketleri kullanılmıştır.Article The Only Thing We Have To Fear: Post 9/11 Institutionalization of In-Security;(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2012) Çelikpala,M.; Öztürk,D.During the last decade, billions of dollars have been spent to increase security measures in the United States. New institutions, including a department for homeland security, have been established, new security tools have been developed, and surveillance of Americans has been increased. However, despite the creation of 'safety zones,' neither the level of the Americans' feeling of security from further terrorist attacks, nor their confidence in the ability of US governments to prevent attacks, has seen an increase. According to Beck, who introduced the concepts of 'world risk society' and 'reflexive modernity', terrorism is one of the products of reflexive modernity which cannot be addressed by traditional security measures. Within this framework, this paper analyzes the case of the Americans since 9/11 attacks. In this vein, it is argued that the gap which has arisen as a result of addressing non-territory and non-state-based terrorism through state-based security measures has caused a continuation of a high level of insecurity, fear, and anxiety among the Americans. Public opinion surveys conducted in the United States since the 9/11 attacks by various institutions are used to analyze Americans' thoughts about security and the terror risk in the United States. © International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT).Article Citation - Scopus: 6Energy security: Nato's new threat perception;(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2014) Çelikpala,M.Energy security could enter NATO's security agenda as one of the main issues just during the last decade. NATO leaders recognize that the disruption of the flow of vital resources could affect Alliance security interests. There is no agreement on the definition of energy security in NATO as it differs based on each country's needs; however, there is a paragraph in the NATO concept from 2010 that states the importance of energy security, and in 2012 there was further agreement that NATO wants to be involved in energy security and energy efficiency of military forces. This article is focused on the issue and analyses the importance and the meaning of energy security for NATO in the light of NATO summit declarations and the various NATO's strategic concepts.Doctoral Thesis Turkish Navy's Move 'towards Blue Waters': Its Origins, Development and Implementation(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2021) Özel, Mesut; Çelikpala, Mitat; Kahyaoğlu, Nurhan; Güvenç, SerhatAfter the Cold War, Turkish Navy faced a significant stimulus for change because of major alterations in strategic calculus, military planning, and waging war. To cope with pressing security challenges, Navy charted itself a new course, Towards Blue Waters in the 1990s. Navy's growth and activism, and its role in the progress of defense industries attracted both commendation and criticism. Differences of opinion on the Navy's posture compel a thorough review of the main drivers of change. Focusing on the last three decades, this dissertation endeavors to uncover the geopolitical, strategic, historical, cultural, institutional, political, and economic factors behind this move. Taking this as an idiographic case, the toolbox of the sociological institutionalist model is utilized in explaining Navy's new strategy. Therefore, the process-tracing method is employed by interviewing naval elites/experts and value analysis of leaders' remarks to empirically verify the theoretical explanation. After discussing the historical, cultural, and geopolitical determinants, the case is studied theoretically. Then, the performance of transformation is compared against its promised goals. This research concludes that the institutionalist model provides solid explanations for Navy's adoption of a worldwide norm: projecting security and force. By internalizing the notion of unimpaired access to the world as its organizational essence, the Navy's leaders, who are subscribed to the goal of Turkey's quest to become a sovereign, credible and legitimate member of the international community, figure as the engines for this transformation. In the process, the Navy relied on its skilled and educated manpower as the prime enabler.Conference Object The Russian Policies in the South Caucasus(IOS Press, 2011) Çelikpala, MitatIn the post-2000 period, Russia's relations with the former Soviet geography, or its "near abroad," are dominated by such issues as energy, namely the dependence of the surrounding countries on Russia, changes in the trade patterns and the impact of globalization, the fight with terrorism, entrenched ethnic conflicts, and the enlargement of Western structures including NATO. In this general framework, the Caucasus has had a special importance for Russia due to its geopolitical and strategic position at the crossroads of energy transit lines, the existence of rich energy resources and the complexity of its ethnic structure. This article aims to analyze Russian Federation's Caucasus policy in a comprehensive manner.Master Thesis From "energy Bridge" To "energy Hub"?: Evolving Discourses of Geopolitics of Energy Transportation in Turkey (1991-2014)(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2019) Tahralı, Gülniyaz; Çelikpala, MitatThis dissertation is an attempt to incorporate the critical geopolitics approach into the debate of “Turkey’s geographical role in energy transportation” which became a part of Turkey’s discourse of geographical exceptionalism in the post-Cold War era. By analyzing the changes in the discourse of the political/governmental elites with a historical outlook, the dissertation tries to highlight the politicized and context-based nature of the concepts and metaphors that are attributed to the geographical role of Turkey in regional oil and gas pipeline projects. Moving from the assumption that discursive constructions on geography, rather than geography itself, determine a state’s position, the study examines how Turkey constructs geopolitical imaginations and images of energy transportation roles through its discourse and how it consequently shapes certain political spaces as a way of responding the contextual changes. The metaphors that are used in the discourse of Turkey’s geopolitical role in energy transportation, i.e. energy bridge, energy terminal, energy center, energy corridor, energy hub, energy trade center, etc. are hence evaluated as tools of preparing certain policy choices. The dissertation analyzes the issue in three chapters. In the first chapter, an overview of theoretical approaches of classical and critical geopolitics are given with their basic arguments, and emphasis is given to “discourse” and “practical geopolitics” as the main theoretical framework of the study. In the second chapter, the post-Cold War context and the discursive effort of Turkey for repositioning itself is explained as a background of its language of geopolitics. In the last chapter, the way geopolitical discourse of energy is established by the political elites is analyzed to show how Turkey constructs its geographical position in regional oil and gas pipeline projects and shapes policies.Article Citation - WoS: 8Rekabet ve İşbirliği İkileminde Yönünü Arayan Türk-rus İlişkileri(Ahmet Yesevi University, 2015) Çelikpala, MitatSon dönem Türk-Rus ikili ilişkileri, işbirliği ve stratejik ortaklık söylemleri etrafında tanımlamaktadır. 1990’lı yıllara hâkim olan rekabet söyleminin yerini alan bu yeni bakış açısı, TürkRus ikili ilişkilerinin seyrinde temel bir dönüşüme işaret etmektedir. İki ülkenin ilişkilerini geliştirirken işbirliğinin boyutlanmasını sağlayacak hedef bölgesi olarak, 1990’lı yıllarda rekabetin en yoğun biçimde yaşandığı Avrasya’yı seçmesi ise, Türk Dış Politikasının genel çizgisi ve ikili ilişkilerin seyri açısından, yaşanan dönüşümün farklı bir yönüne işaret etmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Türk-Rus ilişkilerinde yaşanan dönüşümün sebepleri ve sonuçları hem söylem hem de eylem boyutunda ve tarihsel süreç dikkate alınarak sorgulanmakta; bu dönüşümün Türkiye’nin Avrasya söylem ve politikalarına yansımalarının yanı sıra, Türk kamuoyu ile dış politika yapıcılarının rol tasavvurlarında gerçek bir dönüşümün söz konusu olup olmadığına cevaplar aranmaktadır.
