Ünver, Hamid Akın
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Ünver, Hamid Akın
H.,Ünver
H. A. Ünver
Hamid Akın, Ünver
Unver, Hamid Akin
H.,Unver
H. A. Unver
Hamid Akin, Unver
Unver, H. Akin
H.,Ünver
H. A. Ünver
Hamid Akın, Ünver
Unver, Hamid Akin
H.,Unver
H. A. Unver
Hamid Akin, Unver
Unver, H. Akin
Job Title
Email Address
Akın.unver@khas.edu.tr
ORCID ID
Scopus Author ID
Turkish CoHE Profile ID
Google Scholar ID
WoS Researcher ID
Scholarly Output
20
Articles
10
Citation Count
0
Supervised Theses
5
20 results
Scholarly Output Search Results
Now showing 1 - 10 of 20
Article Citation Count: 0Militancy Governance under State Failure: Models of Legitimacy Contestation in Ungoverned Spaces(2017) Ünver, Hamid AkınThis article makes an empirical exposition of militancy governance under state failure by focusing on ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), YPG (People's Protection Units), Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic. Specifically, the article discusses how these groups mobilize different types of grievances and frame their propaganda to exert control over areas where states are weakened. Furthermore, how these groups engage in early modes of pre- and post-territorial control, form governance practices and prioritize particular areas for better administration are also elaborated in detail. Ultimately, the paper argues that Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs) perform better in areas of low loyalty and high resource-generation and if its territorial ambitions are maximalist (expansionist). Through these variables, we are better able to judge how sustainable these groups will be in their respective territories and how should states approach local governance once these groups are defeated.Article Citation Count: 0Turkey past and future: The forgotten secular Turkish model(2013) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 2THE LOGIC OF SECRECY: DIGITAL SURVEILLANCE IN TURKEY AND RUSSIA(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2018) Ünver, Hamid AkınTurkey and Russia have been developing comparable approaches to digital surveillance. The advent of Internet Communication Technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms have enabled significantly increased systematic state surveillance. From the state's perspective, data-centric digital surveillance is required for two reasons. First, the extent and depth at which terrorist organizations and criminal groups use these platforms for recruitment, logistics, and planning. Second, this trend is driven by a variant of "security dilemma" in which one state's intelligence advantage in digital space renders other states relatively less secure, generating a never-ending momentum of digital surveillance capability investment. Turkish and Russian surveillance regimes have grown as two particularly problematic cases in the wider surveillance literature.Master Thesis The effect of external actors on the courses of asymmetric conflicts: PKK, Ltte, and Farc(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2019) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akınİkinci Dünya savaşından sonraki dönemde artış gösteren ve bugün dünyanın birçok yerinde farklı motivasyonlarla varlık gösteren silahlı örgütler iç savaş literatürünün ana konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışma da asimetrik yöntemlerle savaşan devletdışı silahlı örgütlerin güçlü taraf olan devletlere karşı varlıklarını nasıl sürdürebildiğini sorunsallaştırmaktadır ve silahlı örgütlerin savaşın zayıf tarafı olmalarına rağmen dış aktörlerden aldıkları destek sayesinde uzun yıllar şiddet kullanma kapasitelerini devam ettirebildiklerini savunmaktadır. Dış aktörlerin ise silahlı örgütlere yardım etmekle savaşın sürecine, aktörlerin tutumlarına ve dolayısıyla sonucuna ciddi ölçüde etki ettiğini iddia etmektedir. Bahsi geçen argümanların ne derece geçerli olduğunu görebilmek için asimetrik taktikler benimseyen üç farklı silahlı örgütün karşılaştırmalı incelenmesi yoluna başvurulmaktadır.Bu örgütler uzun süre çeşitli dış desteklerin varlığı sayesinde ayakta kalabilmiş Kürdistan İşçi Partisi (PKK), Tamil Eelam Kurtuluş Kaplanları (LTTTE) ve Kolombiya Devrimci Silahlı Güçleri (FARC)’tır. Bu örgütlerin detaylı analizi, diğer silahlı örgütlerin var olmasına etki eden faktörlerin anlaşılması ve neden oldukları şiddete son verilmesi açısından önemli bulgular sunmaktadır.Book Part Citation Count: 8Turkey's Kurdish question: Discourse & politics since 1990(Taylor and Francis Inc., 2015) Ünver, Hamid AkınThe Kurdish question is one of the most complicated and protracted conflicts of the Middle East and will never be resolved unless it is finally defined. The majority of the Kurdish people live in Turkey, which gives the country a unique position in the larger Kurdish conundrum. Society in Turkey is deeply divided over the definition and even existence of the Kurdish question, and this uncertainty has long manifested itself in its complete denial, or in accusations of political rivals of 'separatism' and even 'treason'. Turkey's Kurdish Question explores how these denial and acknowledgement dynamics often reveal pre-existing political ideology and agenda priorities, themselves becoming political actions. While the very term "Kurdish question" is discussed in the academic literature as a given, a new and systemic study is required to deconstruct and analyze the constitutive parts of this discursive construct. This book provides the first comprehensive study and analysis of the discursive constructions and perceptions of what is broadly defined as the "Kurdish question" in Turkish, European and American political cultures. Furthermore, its new methodological approach to the study of discourse and politics of secessionist conflicts can be applied to many similar intra-state conflict cases. Turkey's Kurdish Question would suit students and scholars of Middle East studies, Conflict studies and Comparative Politics, as well as Turkish or Kurdish studies. © 2015 Hamid Akin Ünver. All rights reserved.Master Thesis Do climate-related natural disasters affect the conflict dynamics through affecting the horizontal inequalities?: the cases of Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2021) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid AkınThere is a complex relationship between natural disasters and conflict. While the literature mainly investigates this relationship through the impact of climate related-natural disasters on conflict via its effect on state capacity, economic-agricultural output, grievances and greed, there is less attention to the climate-related natural disasters' impact on conflict through affecting the horizontal inequalities. Since that the climate related-natural disasters can highly worsen the economic and social conditions in vulnerable deprived regions and less worsen the conditions in advantaged regions, climate-related natural disasters can worsen the horizontal inequalities in the country. Horizontal inequalities can increase the risk of conflict. Therefore, it is important to analyze this relationship. In this thesis, I investigate the impact of the climate-related natural disasters on conflict dynamics through affecting the horizontal inequalities. By focusing on the cases of Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria, I think that the climate-related natural disasters increase the risk of conflict in Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria by worsening the horizontal inequalities in these countries. On contrary to my expectation, my results show that while the climate related-disasters increased the risk of conflict in Nigeria through worsening the horizontal inequalities, they did not increase the risk of conflict in Malawi and Mozambique via horizontal inequalities. Specifically, for Mozambique, the results indicated that climate related-natural disasters did not increase the risk of conflict via horizontal inequalities since that both the advantaged and deprived regions were affected in similar levels. For Malawi, my results suggest that the despite that the climate related-natural disasters worsened the horizontal inequalities, there were no increased risk of conflict. The reason is that affected deprived people did not feel injustice or inequality. Also, the low-level horizontal inequalities affected the the peace situation in Malawi. As an important note, my findings are mainly weak and should not be understand as strong/important results. I mainly observe the relationship among the disasters-conflict-horizontal inequalities.Article Citation Count: 6How Turkey's Islamists fell out of love with Iran(Wiley-Blackwell, 2012) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Master Thesis Conscription & Coup D'état, a correlation analysis(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2018) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid AkınThe objective of this thesis is to analyse the relation between conscription and coup d'état. The intention of the thesis is to fill a gap in the literature regarding both conscription and coup d'état since no quantitative research on the combination of both topics has been performed yet. Although several countries are currently using conscription with the justification that conscription is supposed to protect the country from coup d'état. These expressions are thus completely speculative since there is no research to back up this claim that conscription in fact protects an country from coup d'état. The relationship between conscription and coup d'état has been analysed through the mean of several variables: democracy; freedom index, polity IV index, and regime type, economy; GDP per capita and the GINI, military management; military expenditures per capita and military personnel per capita, religion; Islam, Christianity and others, fractionalisation; religious and linguistic and lastly through the variable of colonisation. These variables have been chosen in order the reflect the extent and complexity involved with coup d'état as well as with conscription. The research has made use of quantitative research methods using a zero-inflated Poisson regression. The results of the zero-inflated Poisson regression show that there is in fact a relation between conscription and coup d'état. The analyses showed an inverted nonlinear relation between GDP per capita, conscription and coup d'état, where the increase of GDP per capita, and years of conscription exercised in a country showed an increase of coup d'état up to a certain point, after which the relations seizes to exist. Other relations with coup d'état could be found with the variables of democracy, economy, military personnel, religion and linguistic fractionalisation. There, however, does not show to be a relation between military expenditures, religious fractionalisation or colonialism and coup d'état.Book Part Citation Count: 7Contested geographies: How ISIS and YPG rule "no-go" areas in Northern Syria(Springer International Publishing, 2017) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 0Paris İklim Anlaşmasına Teorik Yaklaşım: Neo-Neo Tartışması, Eko-Marksizm ve Yeşil Kapitalizm(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2017) Ünver, Hamid AkınUluslararası iklim müzakerelerinde uzun yıllardır baş gösteren uyuşmazlıklar, uluslararası ilişkiler akademik ve bilimsel araştırmalarının ilgi odağı olmuştur. Bu çalışmalarda ekseriyetle, işbirliğini destekleyici ve bedavacılığı önleyici yeni müzakere ve dengeleme mekanizmaları geliştirerek, uluslararası güç eşitsizliklerini iklim konusunda birleştirmesinin yolları aranmıştır. Bu makale, ilk olarak 1997 Kyoto Anlaşması’nı takiben yapılan iklim müzakerelerinin neden başarısızlığa uğradığını ve bu başarısızlıkların 2015 Paris İklim Anlaşması ile nasıl çözülebildiğini neorealist ve neoliberal bağlam içerisinde konumlandırmaktadır. Özellikle enerji güvenliğinin sistemsel anarşi, özyardım ve göreli çıkar tespitlerine, neoliberal kurumsalcılığın verdiği kompleks çoklu-bağımlılık ve mutlak çıkar cevapları, iklim müzakerelerinin başarısı hakkında teorik bir cevap vermektedir. Makale, neo-neo tartışması kadar, iki yeni sistemsel teorik yaklaşımı da (Eko-Marksizm ve Yeşil Kapitalizm) karşılaştırmakta, bu sayede karbon salınımı ve iklim konularında cereyan eden önemli bir teorik tartışmayı, uluslararası ilişkiler literatürü içinde konumlandırmaya çalışmaktadır.